Durham Dispatch

On September 3rd, around 100 pro-Palestine demonstrators gathered in downtown Raleigh to protest recent Israeli raids in the occupied West Bank. The protestors met at Moore Square for speeches before marching down Hargett Street and Martin Street. The Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP), Muslim Women For, and several other organizations promoted the rally through social media.   The crowd assembled in Moore Square around 7 p.m. Tables for the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and the Green Party promoted various campaigns. The DSA table was adorned with campaign signs for Reeves Peeler and Mary Black, both running for seats on Raleigh city council.   Off to the side, a woman named Kristy Wandle stood at a table piled with baked goods. She said she was raising money for the Eliyan family in Gaza. Cookies, scones, and Arabic pastries were laid out alongside pictures of the displaced family. Wandle commented that the Eliyan’s had sent her some of the recipes. The GoFundMe run on behalf of the family describes hopes of escape into Egypt, which costs $5,000 to $10,000 per adult [ 1 ]. Egypt, which has helped to blockade for Gaza for decades, has been ruled by US-backed dictators for more than 40 years.   The first speaker mounted a concrete barrier and said, “Every day we’re waking up hoping for a ceasefire, hoping for an end to the bombings and the bloodshed. Yet, the United States and the Zionist regime have other plans. They have an intent to expand the genocide from Gaza to the West Bank.”   Speaking into a megaphone, she continued, “On August 28th, Zionist forces launched a large-scale military operation across the West Bank raiding refugee camps in Jenin, Nablus, Tulkarem, and Tubas.”   On September 6th, the New York Times  ran an article with the headline, “10 Day Blitz Leaves Ruin in the West Bank” [ 2 ]. According to the piece, “at least 39 people [were] killed”, “an American woman who was protesting against an Israeli settler outpost was fatally shot”, and the “streets [were] so ravaged by bulldozers that cars were unable to pass”.   Among those killed by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) was Bana Laboum, a 13-year-old girl from Qaryut village. According to Haaretz, Laboum was “hit while she was in her family's home with her sisters” in the aftermath of an incident where “Israeli settlers threw stones and set fields on fire in the village” [ 3 ]. Victor Urquiza, a PSL activist, was the second speaker at Tuesday’s event. He said, “There are three individuals from Raleigh… who have travelled to the West Bank last month to help the poor Palestinians who are facing daily violence from fascist settlers and from the IOF”.   According to Urquiza, one of the Raleigh residents was denied access to the West Bank. He said, “He is Palestinian and he cannot enter his homeland.” The crowd reacted with calls of “shame”.   “The other two individuals were able to enter and have been volunteering in [a small village south of Nablus],” he said, “I have the privilege of being on the support team for two of the brave individuals who have left the comfort of their home in the United States to travel across the world where they’re facing daily violence.”   There is precedent for Americans traveling to protect communities under attack by US-backed forces. In December 1980, four American nuns from the Maryknoll Sisters institute were raped and killed by the El Salvador National Guard, which was receiving military aid from the Carter Administration. A high official of the Reagan Administration, which came into office the next month, supported the atrocity since “the nuns were not just nuns. They were political activists” [ 4 ].   Aysenur Egyi, an American activist, was shot in the head by the IDF on September 6th. She was previously involved in protests against the Dakota Access Pipeline and helped to organize the Gaza encampment at the University of Washington. Hours later, Congressman Randy Fine (R-Fla.) applauded Egyi’s killing in a social media post. He wrote, “Throw rocks, get shot. One less Muslim terrorist. Fire away” [ 5 ]. The third speaker at the September 3rd rally was Ashraf Shawa, who was born in the Gaza Strip. The emcee for the event said that many members of Shawa's family have been killed by the IDF. He began with an acknowledgement of the JVP attendees, “Shalom to my Jewish brothers and sisters and peace and blessings to you all.”   Shawa read a poem he’d written several days prior. An excerpt of the poem went, “Like every story ever written, there is always a light at the end of the tunnel, a beautiful ending to a great struggle. Unfortunately, in every tale, the struggle is often romanticized, synthesized through media giants that create fairy tales to keep us entertained, portraying the challenges of a star that rises to their name.”   The fourth speaker at Tuesday’s rally was a Green Party member, who urged the crowd to “Abandon Harris” and vote for either Jill Stein or Claudia De la Cruz. The spokesperson brought up the issue, which she said was raised by many critics, that voting for a third party would help to elect Donald Trump. In response, she said, “If you’re afraid of Trump, you’re asleep”. The representative of the Green Party said she opposed Trump but felt that both main parties were “capitalists and part of the war machine”.               According to FiveThirtyEight , a polling website, Trump leads Kamala Harris in North Carolina by 0.6% [ 6 ]. Stein and De la Cruz don’t appear in the polling aggregate.   An Insider Advantage poll from late August asked North Carolina likely voters if they planned to vote for “another candidate”. That option received 1.5% support [ 7 ]. A pol conducted by East Carolina University in late August found that the third-party candidate in North Carolina with the most support was Chase Oliver of the Libertarian Party, who was polling at 1%. Stein received 0.5% support, while De la Cruz did not appear [ 8 ].   The final speaker at the September 3rd rally was Hadeel Hamoud, a member of Muslim Women For. She focused on the re-election campaign of Mary Black, a member of Raleigh city council. Hamoud said, “Mary Black is a strong progressive advocate and a movement-centered member of the Raleigh city council. During her tenure, Mary Black prioritized people over profits. She supported and advocated for the ceasefire resolution that we demanded, that was demanded by thousands of people.”   Black is running for re-election against Mitchell Silver, whose campaign has been generously funded by wealthy businesspeople in Raleigh. He raised about $55,000 between April and June 2024. Ten of Silver’s 25 top donors work in the real estate and construction sector. An outright majority of Silver’s 25 top donors are founders, chairpersons, presidents, owners, or CEOs at their place of work [ 9 ]. A recent opinion piece in the News and Observer observed that a major issue in the 2024 city council races is the Raleigh Comprehensive Plan, which is due to be rewritten by the next city council [ 10 ].   Black’s views on community-oriented development could explain the high degree of opposition she has inspired among Raleigh's business elite. It was quite dark by the time the crowd marched out of Moore Square with a police escort. Flags and hand-signs in tow, a hundred or so people spilled out onto Hargett Street. Familiar chants bounced off the walls of Raleigh’s urban canyons.   “One, we are the people! Two, we won’t be silent! Three, stop the bombing now, now, now, now!”   The organizers struggled to lead their chants with weak megaphones, but the crowd knew the slogans well enough to compensate. Ceasefire rallies in downtown Raleigh usually have a microphone connected to powerful speakers. While marching, the equipment tends to be in the back of a pickup truck, towed in a wagon, or carried by hand. That equipment didn't appear to be available on Tuesday.   “Not another nickel, not another dime! No more money for Israel’s crimes!”   On Hargett Street, an older man walking his bike down the sidewalk held up a fist in solidarity. The only negative interaction came when one man briefly yelled “Trump 2024!”. The majority of bystanders looked on with curiosity or indifference. Faces peered down from the brightly lit rooftop bar above a shop called Munjo Munjo, too silhouetted to be seen clearly.   Pro-Palestine protests have occurred in downtown Raleigh almost every week for ten months. The demonstrations have ranged in size from the high dozens to the low thousands. The Raleigh protests are a major part of the most immediate, sustained movement against a US-backed war in the history of North Carolina.   After the US invasion of South Vietnam in 1962, it took seven years for substantial protest to develop in North Carolina. By that time, hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese people had already been killed. When they finally materialized, the protests centered on the state's major universities.   According to UNC University Libraries , “by the fall of 1969, [there were] mass demonstrations and protests by UNC-Chapel Hill students. By the spring of 1970, class boycotts targeting the U.S. war effort had become significant” [ 11 ]. For the first seven years of the Vietnam War, NC State was a “ quiet, business-minded college ” and major demonstrations began there only after the Kent State massacre in May 1970 [ 12 ]. At Duke University, it was considered notable when “a crowd of 88” protested in March 1970 [ 13 ]. Work Cited   “Urgent Relief for Ali’s and Mohammed’s Displaced Family, Organized by Kristy Wandle.” GoFundMe , www.gofundme.com/f/urgent-relief-for-mohammeds-displaced-family . Abdulrahim, Raja. “West Bank Residents Survey Destruction as Israeli Forces Withdraw.”  New York Times , 6 Sept. 2024,  www.nytimes.com/2024/09/06/world/middleeast/jenin-israel-withdraw-destruction.html . Khoury, Jack. “Palestinians: Israeli Army Gunfire Kills 13-year-old Girl in West Bank Following Settler Clashes.” Haaretz.com , 6 Sept. 2024, www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-09-06/ty-article/palestinians-idf-gunfire-kills-13-year-old-girl-in-west-bank-following-settler-clashes/00000191-c8ea-d12d-a191-fbfa0ec60000 . Bonner, Raymond. “The Diplomat Who Wouldn’t Lie.” Politico Magazine , 19 Apr. 2015, www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/04/robert-white-diplomat-el-salvador-117089 . “Post on September 6”, X (Formerly Twitter) , www.x.com/VoteRandyFine/status/1832198747495002573 . “North Carolina: President: General Election: 2024 Polls.” FiveThirtyEight , 8 Sept. 2024, www.projects.fivethirtyeight.com/polls/president-general/2024/north-carolina . “North Carolina: Trump Leads Harris by One Point.”  InsiderAdvantage , www.insideradvantage.com/north-carolina-trump-leads-harris-by-one-point-rounded-numbers-below-tabs . “North Carolina Election Heats up: Trump Leads Harris by 1 Point in North Carolina.” ECU Center for Survey Research. www.surveyresearch-ecu.reportablenews.com/pr/north-carolina-election-heats-up-trump-leads-harris-by-1-point-in-north-carolina-stein-widens-advantage-over-robinson-in-race-for-governor . "Mitchell Silver for Raleigh - Mid Year Semi Annual Report - Detailed Receipts", North Carolina State Board of Elections , 26 Jul. 2024, cf.ncsbe.gov/CFOrgLkup/ReportDetail/?RID=218665&TP=REC . Barnett, Ned. “Two 2024 Races Will Play a Key Role in Raleigh’s Vision and Future.” News and Observer , 15 July 2024, www.newsobserver.com/opinion/article289953744.html . “Vietnam War Protests.” UNC Libraries . www.exhibits.lib.unc.edu/exhibits/show/protest/vietnam-essay . “Activists and Authorities: The May 1970 Protests”. History Department of North Carolina State University, www.soh.omeka.chass.ncsu.edu/1970-home . Curtis, Miranda. “Anti-Vietnam War Protest | Durham Civil and Human Rights Map”. Durham Civil and Human Rights Map, www.durhamcivilrightsmap.org/places/5-anti-vietnam-war-protest .

Whitakers, North Carolina With the slogan “Resist, Restore and Revitalize!” the 13th Biennial Convention of statewide UE Local 150 convened at the Franklinton Center at Bricks on August 10 and 11. Local 150 members from across North Carolina shared their experiences fighting for fair wages and dignity, and building their union, in one of the least unionized states in the country. In her address at the start of the convention, President Sekia Royall told the story of how she got involved in the union. A new manager in her department had fired one of her fellow workers, and she went to a meeting called by the union “not knowing what to expect,” as she had grown up in Kansas, another “right to work” state without a strong union culture. “That day something changed in me,” she said. “I’ve always been a fighter but UE taught me how to fight different.” Royall, who was not seeking another term as president, shared how her six years as a local officer (two as vice president and four as president) had been “a very humbling experience and rewarding, helping workers to find their own strength. In that moment, I found my power as well.” Organizing the South with UE Local 150 In one of the highlights of the convention, former Local 150 President Angaza Sababu Laughinghouse chaired a panel of Local 150 chapter leaders on “Organizing the South.” The importance of organizing the South for the entire working class was laid out in a resolution on the topic passed by the convention, which points out that “North and South Carolina are the least unionized states in the entire country. This allows the big multinational corporations to make super profits and not have to bargain with workers and their unions.” Another resolution, on collective bargaining rights for all workers, identifies one of the reasons why North Carolina has such a low union density: “In 1959, during the Jim Crow era when Black people largely had no rights to vote, an all-white state legislature passed General Statute 95-98 banning public worker collective bargaining and strikes.” Despite that ban, Local 150 members who work for the state Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS), for the state’s largest cities, for its university system, and at the Cummins Diesel plant, have been uniting workers to engage in aggressive struggle to win improvements in wages and fair treatment, and leaders from all of these sectors participated in the panel. The panel began with Terry Green , president of UE Local 111, the Virginia Beach City Workers Union. Until recently, the state of Virginia had also banned collective bargaining in the public sector, but new legislation passed in 2020 allows municipal workers to win collective bargaining rights — but only if their city council passes a resolution allowing it. Green reported on how municipal workers in Virginia Beach, despite setbacks in their efforts to win such a resolution, have twice won ten percent raises, and are making plans to engage in political action to secure a solid city council majority in favor of collective bargaining. Willie Brown of the Durham City Workers Union spoke about the “stand down” action by sanitation workers last September, which won $6.5 million in bonuses in October and helped the union win $28 million in raises in the budget adopted by the city this spring. Workers took the action despite the state’s anti-union laws. Brown also gave an honest assessment of mistakes the union had made during, and how union members had learned from them. William Young from the Cherry Hospital DHHS chapter reported that DHHS workers have seen an uptick in Covid-19 cases, severe understaffing, and fear of hospitals closing down — but the union has been actively protesting these conditions, and keeping workers informed through its newsletter. “We’re going to continue to write letters or do whatever we have to do,” he said. Khin Su Su Kyi , a housekeeper at the University of North Carolina’s flagship campus in Chapel Hill, described how the UNC housekeeper’s chapter of the union had won a minimum wage of $15, then of $18 per hour, and are now fighting for $20 per hour. The union is also fighting so that workers don’t have to pay to park when they come to work. However, perhaps the most important change since workers have established the union, she said, is that “Now, we have a worker union … before, we listened to the supervisor, now the supervisor listens to our voice.” Hwa Huang told the convention about several campaigns the grad worker organizing committee at North Carolina State University has been carrying out, including a cost-of-living survey, a petition that won a significant increase to stipends in one department, and fighting to end fees. Tim Hunt of the Carolina Auto, Aerospace and Machine Workers Union chapter of Local 150 said that the union at Cummins Diesel has been around for 32 years, and discussed the union’s challenge of connecting to and bringing in younger workers. He also spoke about how the newly-formed Down East Workers Assembly is bringing together workers in the region to share their struggles. “We show up at city council meetings,” he said. “We want people to know the struggles that people are going through.” In the discussion of the resolution on organizing the South which followed the panel, Jim Wrenn , a retired member of the CAAMWU chapter, pointed out the “crucial role” that the Southern Workers Assembly , which was founded in 2012, has played in supporting efforts to organize in the state and throughout the region. Understanding the Political Moment Dr. Ajamu Amiri Dillahunt of Black Workers for Justice, a professor of African-American history at North Carolina State and Local 150 member, gave a presentation on “Understanding this Political Moment, What’s At Stake in 2024 Elections.” “You all don’t need me to tell you that we’re in a political, economic, social and environmental crisis,” said Dr. Dillahunt. “Our people are suffering, our communities are suffering, our planet is suffering, and by the looks of it, it doesn’t seem like that crisis is going to let up anytime soon.” Noting that “we have a long battle ahead of us,” he emphasized the importance of focus and discipline, because “We have to be on our game more than we have ever been.” Dr. Dillahunt reviewed various aspects of the political moment, including the ongoing Israeli attacks on Gaza, police violence against Black communities, and Project 2025 , the far-right plan for expanding corporate power under a second Trump presidency. He also noted that at the state level in North Carolina, the crisis for working people has intensified, with right-wing supermajorities imposing their extremist agenda on the University of North Carolina system and failing to pass budgets, leaving public schools and public workers “in a mode of crisis, without the resources needed to thrive.” In this context, Dr. Dillahunt asked, what is the role of the upcoming elections? He suggested that, while there are important differences between the two major parties, both of them represent capitalist exploitation. “Elections are important but they are not the fundamental element that will transform our society,” he said. Real change comes from organizing and “people power.” Following his presentation, Dr. Dillahunt led a robust discussion in which Local 150 members and guests discussed what to do after the election, the role of white supremacist movements in the current moment and how to effectively oppose them, how to best engage faith leaders in workers’ struggles, and more. Montrell Perry of the Durham City Workers Union chapter decried the role of money in politics, declaring that “We deserve more and we have to figure out how to come together.” Brigette Rasberry of the Beloved Community Center in Greensboro, a long-time UE ally, also spoke to the convention about “The Long March for Unity and Justice” (happening September 20-29) which the center is organizing to “push for the type of North Carolina that we know is possible.” The march’s mission is to “create a compassionate and more just” North Carolina. “We are fed up and we are ready to do something different,” Rasberry said. “We are coming together ... workers and unions coming together with ordinary citizens to say no more.” Speakers: How to Win for Workers in a Right-to-Work State Keynote speakers Bryan Proffitt , the vice president of the North Carolina Association of Educators, and Braxton Winston , the Democratic candidate for North Carolina Commissioner of Labor , both laid out visions of a North Carolina that would respect workers’ rights and plans for how to achieve it. Proffitt, a high school history teacher, began his talk with the observation that public education in North Carolina owes its existence to the newly-freed slaves who, in 1868, wrote a guarantee of public education into the state’s new constitution. As recently as twenty years ago, the state still valued education — and the job of teacher was so desirable that Proffitt was unable to secure a job fresh out of school. However, after right-wing Republicans took over the state government in 2010, they immediately went after public schools. Proffitt noted that the right wing hates public schools because they are one of the few places in society where people connect with each other across racial divides, and the rich and powerful rely on dividing people in order to stay in power. “When we all go to school together … and play ball together, and eat lunch together and learn together … and stand together in our unions together, we are very dangerous,” he said. Proffitt reviewed how educators in North Carolina, inspired by the Chicago Teachers Union’s 2012 strike and the Moral Mondays movement in their own state, began to rebuild their union, and in 2018 and 2019 participated in the “Red for Ed” movement, shutting down schools across the state to demand more investment in public education. Then he told the story about how his own local in Durham, starting with 10 percent membership, used rank-and-file and worker-to-worker organizing to achieve majority membership this past May. Bolstered by this new majority, the union won $27 million in additional funding from the county this year, more than twice what they had been able to win in previous years. “We could be less than a decade away from repealing the ban on collective bargaining in our state,” Profitt told the convention. NCAE is planning to use the same kind of worker-led organizing that brought them to majority status in Durham to win majorities elsewhere in the state, win elections to the state Supreme Court, and challenge North Carolina’s gerrymandered electoral map in 2030 — potentially paving the way for a repeal of the collective-bargaining ban. “The majority of the people in our communities, in our state, in our country, in our world, are on our side,” Proffitt said. “And if we fight effectively, they will join us, and we will win all the things that our people deserve.” Winston, a union stagehand and a member of IATSE who is running for Commissioner of Labor, addressed the convention via Zoom. He told UE members, “I’m a guy who clocks in and clocks out,” and that “it’s high time that we had a worker being the lead advocate for workers all across our state,” and noted that, when elected, he will be the first union member to hold the position of Commissioner of Labor. He cited his experience advocating for workers as city councilor and mayor pro tem in Charlotte, where he was a strong ally of Local 150’s Charlotte City Workers Union chapter, and promised to bring strong leadership at the state Department of Labor. “We have to realize that the foundation of this nation’s economy was built on stolen labor,” he said, and pointed out that this legacy hurts all workers, because “today’s American economy continues to rely on the use of unpaid or underpaid labor.” All North Carolina workers suffer from the same system, Winston said, one that “aims to grow the pockets of a small population of business owners” while “ensuring that most of our workforce is indentured to a life of living on the edge of financial ruin, despite people’s willingness to be honest, hard workers. This is a rigged system and it’s supported by middle-men who will do the bidding of the ownership class.” These middle-men, he said, sow division among the working class along lines of race, immigration, and sexual orientation, in order to distract working people from “the owners’ thirst to survive off stolen labor.” He noted that his opponent is one of these middle-men, and that “His platform is to sell you and other workers out.” Winston’s opponent has never been elected to public office, and currently works as a lawyer defending construction companies who are under investigation by the very department he now seeks to lead. “Whether it's urban or rural, in the mountains or the coast, our North Carolina communities are more alike than we are different,” Winston said. “So many of our workers are on the edge because they lack access to affordable child care, affordable housing, or reliable transportation methods.” When elected, he said, he will build coalitions to improve all aspects of working people’s lives, what he called a “whole worker” approach. “If we take care of North Carolina workers, then North Carolina can work for all of us.” After his presentation, Winston took questions from the audience. In response to questions about the limited powers the Commissioner of Labor has in North Carolina, he said he would use the position as a “bully pulpit” to advocate for workers and be creative in using the office to push for improvements in workers’ lives on multiple fronts. Following the discussion, convention delegates voted unanimously to endorse his candidacy. Fighting for Social Change A second panel of UE members and allies addressed “Community-Faith-Labor Coalitions to Win Broad Social Changes.” Chaired by Local 150 Recording Secretary Nichel Dunlap-Thompson , it featured presentations by Ashaki Binta of Black Workers for Justice and the Southern Workers Assembly, Angaza Samora Laughinghouse of Black Workers for Justice and Refund Raleigh, and Hwa Huang of the NC State grad workers’ organizing committee of Local 150. Laughinghouse spoke about efforts to redirect funds from policing to other city services, Huang spoke about organizing tenants, and Binta addressed the leading role of Local 150 in organizing the South, even in the absence of collective bargaining rights. “UE150 has shown that rank-and-file leadership can take on these struggles and build organization,” she said. “Even though the day-to-day may be difficult or challenging, don’t ever underestimate the significance of what you all have been doing for the past 20 or so years” In his remarks to the convention, UE General Secretary-Treasurer Andrew Dinkelaker said, “Local 150 is to be recognized for … challenging us all to do more and to do better.” Reflecting on the UE mottos “the members run this union” and “the union for everyone,” he reminded the delegates and guests that “it is up to all of us to live up to them.” Eastern Region President George Waksmunski also addressed the convention, emphasizing the importance of finding the potential in all workers: “A lot of our members out there don’t know that they are great labor leaders.” Keith Bullard of the Union of Southern Service Workers and Don Cavellini of the Coalition Against Racism in Pitt County brought greetings from their organizations, and Local 150-CAAMWU retiree Jim Wrenn welcomed delegates on behalf of the Franklinton Center, on whose board he serves. Taking a formal stance on many of the issues discussed in the various panels and presentations at the convention, Local 150 delegates discussed and passed resolutions on fighting racism, international solidarity, justice in policing, and “The Ongoing Genocide in Gaza and Palestinian Liberation.” Education, Elections and Organizing On Saturday afternoon, convention-goers attended two rounds of workshops, covering topics including how to have an organizing conversation, elements of a strong local union chapter, movement healing and self-care, what lawyers can and cannot do for workers, and UE’s philosophy of “ Them and Us Unionism. ” Following the workshops, delegates elected a slate of officers to lead the union for the next two years. Willie Brown from the Durham City Workers Union chapter was elected president, and William Young from the Cherry Hospital DHHS chapter was elected vice president. Treasurer Dominic Harris and Chief Steward Craig Brown , both of the Charlotte City Workers Union chapter, were re-elected to new two-year terms; Alexandra Fox from the Central Regional Hospital Chapter was elected as Recording Secretary, and Vincent Daniels of the Durham City Workers Union chapter was elected as Assistant Chief Steward. Dr. Rakesh Patel (Central Regional Hospital) and Montrell Perry (Durham City Workers Union) were elected as trustees, and Chris Benjamin (Durham City Workers Union) was elected as the alternate trustee. Rob Davis of the Charlotte City Workers Union chapter also ran for president. On Sunday morning, International Representative Dante Strobino , Field Organizer Kass Ottley and Project Organizer Lora Tate gave reports on organizing and membership numbers for the local over the past two years. This article was first published by UE Local 150 .

From June 26 to 29, 2024 the city of Durham, North Carolina hosted the Southern Summit, a gathering organized by the Southern Vision Alliance along with numerous partner organizations. The Summit centered around the theme of "Reclaiming Democracy and Defeating Fascism by Worker and Community Organizing," aiming to foster resilience and progressivism in the South. "In the tapestry of history, the Southern Summit is not just an event; it is a defining chapter — a testament to the South’s resilience, progressivism, and determination." - Southern Vision Alliance The Southern Summit aimed to achieve and highlight six goals: Convergence of Forces, Power of Unity, Strategic Analysis, Coordinated Action, Amplified Voices, and Defenders of Democracy. Each day was structured to foster these goals, beginning with a communal breakfast and an opening session hosted by activists and organizers These opening plenary sessions set the tone for the day, serving as platforms for participants to explore the landscape of the South, understand the concept of power, and strategize on combating global fascism. The South - poised to lead, through transformative struggle A recurring theme in the plenary sessions was the South's potential to lead in the fight for liberation and justice in the United States. One speaker remarked on the South's harsh living conditions — low wages, poor quality housing, underfunded education, and lack of opportunity in rural areas —  noting that while they present significant challenges, they offer tremendous opportunities for growth and transformation that Southern leaders are uniquely poised to advance. As Ben Wilkins from the Union of Southern Service Workers emphasized, "We have an opportunity to lead the rest of the country." This call to leadership underscored the need for transformative struggle in the South through building worker solidarity across racial lines and rejecting the illusion of choice between Democrats and Republicans to build a new future. Building Solidarity Philip Agnew from Black Men Build, an organization that equips Black men and their families across the United States with the tools to “become a powerful political force for liberation,” spoke to the crucial task of fostering solidarity, especially among those who feel alienated and hopeless. He observed that this alienation often leads to scapegoating other marginalized groups, stressing the necessity of creating a welcoming and safe space for change. Agnew’s powerful metaphor — "When you want people to build a boat, they have to long for the sea" — encapsulated the need to cultivate class consciousness and hope for a better future to mobilize a successful movement. Agnew expanded on the alienation many feel due to systemic oppression and economic inequality, pointing out that marginalized communities are often pitted against each other. This divisiveness serves to weaken the collective power needed for transformative change. He advocated for an inclusive approach, where everyone is met with open arms and given a safe space to express their frustrations and desires for change. By fostering a sense of belonging and shared purpose , Agnew argued, we can overcome the barriers that divide us and build a stronger, more unified movement. The discussion on solidarity also touched on the importance of intergenerational learning and collaboration . Younger activists were encouraged to seek wisdom and guidance from seasoned organizers, while older participants were reminded to be open to the fresh perspectives and innovative ideas that the youth bring to the table. This mutual respect and exchange of knowledge is crucial for building a resilient movement capable of facing and taking on challenges.  Defining Power In another opening session, the meaning of power was dissected and described as a movement that is both militant and massive, meaning that there is power in numbers and those that are part of that movement must be willing to engage in whatever actions it takes to build transformative change. The consensus was clear: reforming the existing system is insufficient. Instead, massive, transformative change is required change that prioritizes the rights of workers and other marginalized groups. This sentiment resonated throughout the summit, reinforcing the necessity of collective action and solidarity. Speakers delved deep into the concept of power, emphasizing that true power comes from the people and our collective actions . Participants discussed the various forms of power, including political, economic, and social power, and how these can be harnessed to create a more just and equitable society. It was highlighted that power should not be viewed merely as a means to an end – power is an ongoing process of mobilization and empowerment . The session also explored the need for a militant approach to organizing. This does not imply violence but rather a commitment to radical change and an uncompromising stance against injustice. It was argued that to achieve meaningful transformation, the movement must be both relentless and adaptable , capable of responding to the ever-changing landscape of oppression and resistance. Participants were reminded that strength lies in numbers and that by working together, they can amplify their voices and exert greater influence on the systems of power. We Keep Us Safe The afternoons were dedicated to breakout sessions focusing on critical topics such as the Landscape of Organizing, Hard Skills and Trainings, and Building Collective Strategy Innovations & Interventions. Among the sessions I attended were "Alternative to Policing and the Carceral State," "Environmental Justice and Disaster Organizing," and "Know Your Rights in the Streets." Despite their diverse topics, a common thread was evident. We need to rely on each other and our communities, rather than the system, to effect change. For example, during the "Environmental Justice and Disaster Organizing" session, the discussion centered on the inadequacies of relying on polluting industries or politicians to regulate pollution. Instead, the emphasis was on building political power within affected communities and maintaining pressure on both politicians and industries to prioritize people over profits. The goal was clear: to create a new, revolutionary, and imaginative system rather than perpetuate the existing flawed one. This echoed what was said in previous plenary sessions.   Moving Forward The Southern Summit brought together a convergence of forces, emphasized the power of unity, provided strategic analysis, coordinated action, amplified voices, and fortified the defenders of democracy. The Southern Summit was a powerful and inspiring gathering that reinforced the importance of community and worker organizing in the fight for democracy and against fascism. It provided a platform for strategic discussions, skill-building, and solidarity, leaving participants with a renewed sense of purpose and the tools necessary to continue the struggle for a more just and equitable South. As we look to the future, the Southern Summit serves as a beacon of hope and a call to action, reminding us that transformative change is possible when we stand together. Check out videos from the conference here . This article was published first by United for a Fair Economy .

On August 19th, the Durham city council voted 6-0 to approve a company, the Peebles Corporation, for redevelopment of the former police headquarters at 505 W. Chapel Hill Street. The council also voted 5-1 that the city should keep ownership of the land and that the development agreement needs to contain either “substantial additional affordable units or an annual cap on rent increases not to exceed six percent” [ 1, timestamp 1:51:00 ].   The current proposal for the old police HQ calls for 380 apartment units. About a quarter, 92 units, would be affordable at between 30 and 60 percent area median income (AMI). Retail space, lab space, and a hotel are included in the most recent proposal from Peebles [ 2 ].   “This is the last really large parcel in downtown that the city owns,” said council member Chelsea Cook. During the meeting on August 19th, Cook also indicated that affordable housing and resident-oriented retail were her main priorities as the redevelopment project moves forward.   Cook said, “People that live in downtown Durham, they’re leaving for all their stuff… People drive into downtown, they have dinner, and then they leave. There’s no pharmacy anymore, there’s no grocery store… We have an amazing opportunity to make downtown Durham an actual place where people can live” [ 1, timestamp 1:07:00 ].   Since Durham owns the former police HQ site, the city council is legally allowed to extract more community benefits than usual from the developer. For example, council members normally could not demand a permanent cap of six percent for rent increases. Rent control has been illegal in North Carolina since 1987 [ 3 ].   Mark-Antony Middleton pushed back hard against the annual cap:   “I don’t know the math or science behind that number. It might need to be higher than six percent. I mean where did that number come from? I don’t know the calculus or the equation that came up with that number… It might need to be nine percent or eight percent” [ 1, timestamp 1:36:00 ].   Council member DeDreana Freeman replied that the idea came from the President of the United States, who called for an annual cap on rent increases of five percent in July 2024 [ 4 ]. State laws such as the rent control ban and the Umstead Act form a legislative wall that protects the financial interests of landlords and developers. As a result, city and county governments in North Carolina are unable to enact comprehensive solutions for high rents and home prices. Municipalities are permitted to tinker at the margins of the housing market through the use of zoning powers, an approach that could provide partial relief. Durham residents interested in this prospect have focused on the upcoming revision of the city's Universal Development Ordinance (UDO).   The Umstead Act prevents governments from competing with private business in most contexts [ 5 ]. For example, the law would make it illegal for Durham to build a skyscraper on 505 W. Chapel Hill Street, divide it into hundreds of apartment units, and charge $750 monthly rent to anyone willing to pay.   At the August 19th meeting, council member Nate Baker remarked that his mother had worked as a gardener at the old police HQ. “I want to see as much permanent, deeply affordable housing as possible,” said Baker. “I would like to ensure public ownership and public dedication… ensuring that in any open space we retain ownership of the land or that there’s public dedication so that it’s not privatized open space” [ 1, timestamp 1:01:00 ].   Baker also commented, “The site is a gateway into different parts of downtown. It’s important that it’s iconic”. He wanted to ensure that, “there are small retail spaces and non-residential types of spaces on the first floor so that people are moving in and out, activating the street” [ 1, timestamp 1:02:00 ]. As an exceptional case, 505 W. Chapel Hill Street shows the difficulty that local governments face in securing community benefits from developers. Since Durham owned this particular site, the city could directly and strongly negotiate for rent control and affordable housing, but council members rarely have so much leverage.   City hall was crowded during the debate on the former police HQ. The spokespeople of many civic organizations, as well as many engaged citizens, weighed in on various aspects of the redevelopment project. Given the housing crisis in Durham, development votes by city council receive intense public scrutiny. The following quote about the city's housing issues comes from a recent IndyWeek  article: “Out of roughly 122,000 households in Durham, nearly 39,000 can’t afford their current living situation. The Durham Housing Authority (DHA), long starved of resources by the federal government, has a 3,500-person waitlist for one of the 1,700 units DHA controls and an 8,000-person waitlist for the housing vouchers tenants can use on the private market, according to DataWorks NC” [ 6 ]. Work Cited   “Durham City Council Aug 19 2024.”  YouTube channel of City of Durham , 20 Aug. 2024,  www.youtube.com/watch?v=qfmAc3Q7LMQ . Thompson, Kayli. “New Plan for Former Durham Police HQ Costs $285M With Hotel, Apartments, Retail.”  Triangle Business Journal , 20 Aug. 2024,  www.bizjournals.com/triangle/news/2024/08/20/durham-police-hq-development-peebles-corporation.html . Gordon, Brian. “NC Answers: Why North Carolina Doesn’t Allow Rent Control.”  Asheville Citizen Times , 20 Jan. 2022,  www.citizen-times.com/story/news/2022/01/12/why-doesnt-nc-have-rent-control-why-rent-control-illegal-nc/8838065002 . “Fact Sheet: President Biden Announces Major New Actions to Lower Housing Costs by Limiting Rent Increases and Building More Homes.” The White House , 16 July 2024, www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/07/16/fact-sheet-president-biden-announces-major-new-actions-to-lower-housing-costs-by-limiting-rent-increases-and-building-more-homes . Childress, Greg. “Durham Leaders Hope 2024 Will Be Different for Local Workforce Housing Legislation.” NC Newsline , 15 May 2024, www.ncnewsline.com/2024/05/15/durham-leaders-hope-2024-will-be-different-for-local-workforce-housing-legislation . Hartman, Matt. “At Home With the Matadors: Durham’s Housing Crisis, SCAD, and Their Impacts on the Upcoming Election.” IndyWeek , 21 Sept. 2023, indyweek.com/news/durham/at-home-with-the-matadors-durhams-housing-crisis-scad-and-their-impacts-on-the-upcoming-election .

Neuse Riverkeeper Samantha Krop was in the air and in the field this week, tracking sediment pollution from Dominion Energy’s Moriah Energy Center (MEC) site in Person County. On Monday, she hosted Inside Climate News reporter Lisa Sorg on an aerial tour to observe impacts of heavy rains by Tropical Storm Debby. On Tuesday, she did a walking tour of three separate creeks surrounding the property with three staff members from the North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality’s Division of Water Resources (NC DEQ DWR). “All three of the creeks were running very turbid. In one place, you could see the difference between a clear creek and one running off the site: 6 FNU for one and 200 FNU for the other. "There was a clear distinction between the clean and the dirty,” Samantha said. “Two creeks on the southern end of the property were about 1,000 FNU.” FNUs (formazin nephelometric units) are the unit of measurement for turbidity, or water clarity. Fifty FNU is the state standard. According to Samantha, DWR staff acknowledged that Dominion’s Moriah Energy Center site is responsible for the pollution, but a loophole in regulatory state law prevents action from being taken. The issue, Samantha said, is that the regulations created to prevent sediment from pouring off clear-cut construction sites into the waterways are ineffective, but as long as the company is abiding by those regulations, there is little DWR can do. “The rules are created to uphold the Clean Water Act standard, but they’re not working,” Samantha said. “Everyone acknowledges that Dominion is polluting the creeks but no one is willing to stop it.” Samantha was accompanied on the ground tour by Andrea and Paul Childers, who have witnessed the impacts of the Moriah Energy Center construction on their neighboring property. Other property owners bordering the site invited them to tour their properties, as well. “We had permission from all the neighbors because they’re all opposed to the facility,” Samantha said. “They’re enraged and heartbroken at the pollution in their backyard creeks. The Childers raised their children playing in those creeks, and now they’re too dirty to get into, and it’s just staying that way.” The concern is not limited to muddied waters in the local streams, but potential impacts downstream in Deep Creek and Flat River, both home to endangered species such as the Neuse Waterdog. “We are going to continue to document these impacts and call upon officials to hold Dominion accountable and stop polluting our creeks,” Samantha said. Like the work your Riverkeepers are doing? We do, too! Donate today to support their work! This article was published first by Sound Rivers .

Editor's note: CAUSE is a nascent union at the Amazon RDU1 distribution center in Garner, NC. The text of this article comes from a recruitment flyer that CAUSE members hand out to their colleagues between shifts. You’re hearing a lot from Amazon about how well it treats you and why we do not need a union. But does Amazon really care about us? It’s a trillion dollar company, but it doesn’t pay us enough to live on. We get no Holiday Bonuses, or even full paid one hour break. There’s little paid time off, and Amazon forces us to work mandatory peak overtime. And we all know about the favoritism, discrimination, bad management and how Amazon treats us like throwaway robots. What is CAUSE? CAUSE stands for Carolina Amazonians United for Solidarity and Empowerment. Amazon is flat-out lying when it says we’re an “external” group. We’re a homegrown, multicultural, worker-led effort run by and for RDU1 workers . The real “externals” are the Employee Relations managers that Amazon’s sending into RDU1 to trash talk the union and pretend that Amazon is your nice bestie instead of all about profits. How does CAUSE work? We believe in democracy. We hold regular elections for our president, vice-president, secretary, and treasurer –and will continue to do so. Amazon is lying when it says CAUSE has a lot of money. Our leaders are dedicated worker-volunteers, not paid a penny. Everyone’s welcome to join CAUSE and to take a leadership role themselves. How does CAUSE win? We’ll be asking you to sign a “Union Authorization Card” stating your support for CAUSE. Your signature is totally confidentially, and Amazon is prohibited by law from seeing it. Once 30% of RDU1 workers sign, the National Labor Relations Board, the government agency overseeing union organizing, will hold an election at RDU1. The union will win if it receives more than 50% of the vote. Amazon will then be legally obligated to begin good faith negotiations with CAUSE for a fair contract for all RDU1 workers. What does CAUSE want? We’ll fight in bargaining with Amazon for essential changes including: 1) Higher pay 2) More PTO 3) A one hour paid lunch break 4) No discrimination on the basis of race, gender, language or anything else 5) Transparency about work rates 6) Fairness in promotions Will I have pay dues? No. Another Amazon lie. In North Carolina, workers are free to choose to be part of a union and pay dues or not. We hope workers will join CAUSE, but the contract we negotiate will benefit all workers regardless of whether they do so or not. We know the truth: Amazon treats us badly no matter how much they try to spin it. That will only change when we workers have a real voice. We need a union! More questions? Go to amazoncause.com or email us at amzncause@gmail.com . Want to join CAUSE? Click here . This article was first published by CAUSE .

In 2022, Mary Black was elected to the District A seat of Raleigh’s city council. During her first term, she was associated with support for city workers on labor issues, the restoration of citizens advisory councils, and community-oriented development. Black's 2024 re-election campaign has run into a formidable challenger, Mitchell Silver. He is a former New York City Parks Commissioner and has held other prominent roles.   Campaign finance disclosures show that Silver’s campaign has significant support from top figures in Raleigh’s business community, particularly in the real estate and construction sector. He raised about $55,000 between April and June 2024 [ 1 ]. Silver’s donors include real estate CEOs, entertainment entrepreneurs, powerful lawyers, and even a controversial mining family. A striking number of Silver’s donors are affiliated with the real estate and construction business. Ten of his 25 top donors work in these industries as their current, main profession. When other meaningful links to the real estate and construction sector (previous career, secondary business, etc.) are included the figure rises to 16 out of 25. For instance, Brenda Gibson currently serves as the chairperson of the Raleigh Police Department Foundation, a philanthropic group, but she previously worked as a real estate broker. Gibson donated $2,500 to Silver.   Eric Braun is the Vice Chair of the Raleigh Housing Authority, so the table (above) does not include him in the “Real Estate and Construction” category. However, Braun is a retired lawyer who “represented developers and property owners in a wide range of land use matters” according to LinkedIn. He donated $1,000 to Silver’s campaign.   A recent opinion piece in the News and Observer observed that a major issue in the 2024 city council races is the Raleigh Comprehensive Plan [ 2 ]. Last revised a decade ago, the document which " will shape how Raleigh evolves" is set to be rewritten and approved by the next city council.   Black's approach to development that would infringe on the profits of the real estate and construction sector [ 3 ]. In October 2022, she was asked about building a sports stadium in downtown Raleigh. Black was in favor, but with conditions:   “My position on a sports and entertainment stadium is contingent on the developer’s plans to include a community benefits agreement for stormwater protections, permanent affordable housing, living-wage jobs and workforce development”.   Naturally, developers would prefer support that isn’t “contingent” on anything.   Black has also advocated for “missing middle” housing, which she said, “is intended to be a solution that meets the growing demand for housing options between subsidized housing and market-rate housing. What’s missing in [recent zoning changes] is equity, and respect for the character and quality of the community.”   The upcoming revision of the Raleigh Comprehensive Plan, paired with Black’s views on community-oriented development, could explain why major figures in Raleigh's business establishment are opposed to the District A incumbent.   One of Silver's top donors is Bonner Gaylord, whose political committee gave the maximum legal amount of $6,400. Gaylord is the COO of Kane Realty, a real estate and construction company in Raleigh. Even a senior executive like Gaylord is a rather small fish in Silver’s pond. An outright majority of Silver’s 25 top donors are principals at their place of work. Fifteen are founders, chairpersons, presidents, owners, or CEOs. Only three of the 25 are not  senior figures at their businesses or institutions.   Daniel Lovenheim is another donor who gave the maximum amount of $6,400 to Silver’s campaign. He is the CEO of Oak City Group, an entertainment company based in Raleigh that owns restaurants, nightclubs, and a few other businesses. Lovenheim gained a bit of notoriety for using the valet zone of his nightclub, Alchemy, solely as a parking spot for his white Lamborghini. That led to the city council revoking the permit for Lovenheim’s valet zone in 2016 [ 4 ]. Michael Sandman, an attorney, donated $2,500 to Silver. Sandman is one of the three donors in the top 25 who isn't a senior executive, but even he is fabulously rich. His mansion in north Raleigh has been written up in Walter Magazine for its French gardens [ 5 ]. The article said that the Sandmans “visited Versailles” for inspiration as they designed a new home in the style of a “18th century chateau”. The magazine notes that the Sandmans aren’t skilled gardeners. Instead, the couple hires specialists to maintain the grounds so they can focus on  “cutting roses for [the] home and playing with tomatoes and basil and tarragon ”.   Out of eight members on Raleigh’s city council, Black is the only member who does not own a home. More than 200,000 people in the city, about half of its population, are renters [ 6 ]. Silver is also supported by the family that owns Wake Stone, a controversial mining company. Samuel and Theodore Bratton, who inherited the company from their father, each donated $1,000. Another top executive at Wake Stone also gave $1,000 to Silver's campaign.   Samuel, CEO of Wake Stone, has donated to dozens of Republican candidates since 2005 [ 7 ]. Theodore, the company’s chairman, is a registered Republican. However, the Brattons have also given money to many Democrats, suggesting more concern with protecting their business interests than partisan politics.   Wake Stone has been embroiled in a years-long battle to expand the Triangle Quarry onto land adjacent to Umstead State Park. Environmental groups like the Umstead Coalition, Conservation Fund, and Sierra Club have fought bitterly to prevent the expansion, warning of permanent damage to the natural beauty and recreational value of Umstead. In 2024, Wake Stone won a major victory when Judge Donald van der Vaart, a member of the right-wing Federalist Society, blasted through NC DEQ objections to pave the way for the quarry's expansion [ 8 ].   Black considers herself a “climate justice organizer” and she was endorsed by the Sierra Club during her 2022 campaign . However, it’s not clear whether the Raleigh city council has any authority over Wake Stone’s expansion into Umstead, so the Brattons’ support for Silver could arise from other considerations.     At the bottom of Silver’s list of donors, far below the top 25, is a different kind of problem for Black. Eric Solomon, the senior rabbi of the Beth Meyer Synagogue, is shown to have donated $100 to Silver. While the contribution is small, Solomon is a prominent citizen of District A.   In March 2024, Black spearheaded a resolution in Raleigh city council calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. According to the News and Observer , the measure called for a “sustained bilateral ceasefire”, “release of all hostages in Gaza”, and an “end of U.S. military aid to the Netanyahu government”. The ceasefire resolution did not pass, receiving a tied vote of 4-4 [ 10 ].   Solomon wrote about his opposition to Black’s re-election in an August 2024 post on Facebook. He said he’d been “privately beseeching her to stop speaking and posting about the Gaza War” and that he’d asked “her privately to stop terrorizing the Jewish community”. One of Solomon's objections was that Black had been “holding numerous District A community discussions on the Jewish Sabbath”, which occurs every week from sunset on Friday to sunset on Saturday [ 11 ].     Mary Black faces a high-profile and well-funded challenge from Mitchell Silver for her city council seat in District A. Black is recognized for her advocacy of sustainable development, city workers, as well as for her support of Palestinian liberation. Silver is a former New York City Parks Commissioner and has held other high-ranking jobs.   Raleigh’s business community, especially in the real estate and construction sectors, have donated generously to Silver. A main theme in the race is set to be the influence of property developers over public affairs in Raleigh.   Work Cited   1. "Mitchell Silver for Raleigh - Mid Year Semi Annual Report - Detailed Receipts", North Carolina State Board of Elections , 26 Jul. 2024, cf.ncsbe.gov/CFOrgLkup/ReportDetail/?RID=218665&TP=REC . 2. Barnett, Ned. “Two 2024 Races Will Play a Key Role in Raleigh’s Vision and Future.” News and Observer , 15 July 2024, www.newsobserver.com/opinion/article289953744.html . 3. Johnson, Anna. “Mary Black, Candidate for Raleigh City Council District A.” News and Observer , 25 Oct. 2022, www.newsobserver.com/news/politics-government/election/voter-guide/article267530473.html .   4. Zeugner, Abby. “You Can’t Park Your Lamborghini Here Anymore, Raleigh Tells Nightclub Owner.” News and Observer , 25 June 2018, www.newsobserver.com/news/local/article213657384.html .   5. Walter Magazine. “A North Raleigh Couple Embraces La Vie En Rose in Their French Garden.” WALTER Magazine , 27 Mar. 2022, waltermagazine.com/home/sandman-garden .   6. “Raleigh City - Housing”, U.S. Census Bureau ,  data.census.gov/profile/Raleigh_city,_North_Carolina?g=160XX00US3755000#housing . Accessed 17 Aug. 2024.   7. “Donor Lookup - Samuel Bratton.”  Open Secrets ,  www.opensecrets.org/donor-lookup/results?name=Samuel+Bratton . Accessed 17 Aug. 2024.   8. Stradling, Richard. “Inside the Fight Over What’s Known as the RDU Quarry. Here Are Key Moments of Dispute.” News and Observer , 5 Apr. 2024, www.newsobserver.com/news/local/article287009530.html . 10. Johnson, Anna. “Raleigh City Leaders Split 4-4 on Surprise Gaza Cease-fire Resolution.” News and Observer , 6 May 2024, www.newsobserver.com/news/local/counties/wake-county/article286295850.html .   11. “Post by Eric Michael Solomon”. Facebook, 11 August 2024, www.facebook.com/eric.m.solomon/posts/pfbid02BUWGkgry6Ssy9K82f4gJj15fFuZC1DtbhognEjpUNZG3Hv9UnbVdbdhjsnZDxiWyl . Accessed 17 Aug. 2024.

The UE Local 150 Council in the Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) has launched a major campaign for Safe Staffing which included demands for raising wages by 20 percent or to $20 per hour minimum wage. In response to our agitation and news coverage around extreme understaffing and even patient deaths, Secretary of DHHS Kody Kinsley organized a listening tour across the state, hosting town hall meetings. Our union had previously won a 10 percent premium pay for the understaffing faced by all direct care staff. However, when the 4 percent state salary increase became effective in the July 1, 2023 budget, DHHS decided to take away this 10 percent, resulting in a 6 percent pay cut that angered workers. Our members were able to successfully attend and speak-out at hearings in Greenville, Morganton and New Bern. Union leaders confronted DHHS and key legislative oversight committee members on the major struggles on the job maintaining quality services and a safe workplace with severe understaffing. These ultimately resulted in a re-establishment of meet-n-confer sessions with Deputy Secretary Mark Benton, who has now met with our members three times. Our members are dedicated to increasing our coordinated collective action across the state. In late 2023, the DHHS Council launched a petition campaign that was able to get several hundred signatures across the department and resulted in actions at Longleaf Center, Cherry Hospital and Central Regional Hospital (CRH). The petition demanded not just higher wages, but also holding management accountable. Workers at CRH, in particular, began documenting and working to expose abusive management. The actions engaged many new workers in collective action. Several workers at Longleaf participated in a rally in the middle of the rain! Similarly, for the first time in recent years, workers at Cherry Hospital organized a delegation to confront their new CEO with the petition signatures. Workers then delivered the petitions in a meeting with Deputy Secretary Benton, continuing to expose that not only low wages, but also abusive management has lead to brain drain and loss of staff at key DHHS facilities, most notably at CRH, Murdoch, Caswell and Cherry.

In spring 2024, housekeepers at UNC Chapel Hill continued a campaign to eliminate fees for workers to park on the job. In February, workers wrote to the university: “Many employees received a double parking deduction from their paychecks due to university error. Many of these employees are in the lower pay bands at the university, and this error deeply affects their ability to pay their bills and survive to the beginning of the month.” Workers launched a petition campaign, collecting nearly 200 signatures from campus workers and supporters, in addition to the 1,200 they collected in fall 2022. They challenged the UNC Parking and Transportation committee to take up their demands, to no avail. Then, on March 20th, housekeepers rallied, gathered allies, spoke to the press, and delivered their petitions. Workers learned that the new five-year parking plan would increase revenue for the university by $2 million. Meanwhile, their proposals to eliminate parking fees for all workers earning less than $50,000 per year would only cost the university $1 million per year. Yet, the Employee Forum representatives, who are supposed to represent all workers, on the Parking Committee claimed it was because of “equity” that they could not eliminate parking fees for some workers, and not others. The union had to educate them on the definition of equity! After a few months of struggle, UE Local 150 was able to secure a decrease in the monthly parking fee, putting hundreds of dollars per year back in workers pockets, but the fight continues! This article was published first by UE Local 150 .

The rural community of Green Pond in South Carolina is vigorously challenging Duke Energy’s plans to plow through residential and business properties with high voltage transmission towers, lines and a substation. The energy giant has responded by invoking eminent domain, a controversial law allowing utilities to seize the use of private property in exchange for a negotiated monetary payment. This is the very type of situation NC WARN and allies have warned about since 2021, when our engineer discovered a  small, blurry map  in the back of a voluminous Duke document [ 1 ]. It referred to plans to greatly expand Duke’s transmission system in North Carolina, supposedly in order to expand renewable energy years from now. The major difference? The Duke corridor plowing through the middle of Green Pond, if ever completed, will be 4.5 miles long. In eastern North Carolina, Duke Energy leaders apparently plan  hundreds of miles  of new transmission lines and towers. For nearly three years NC WARN and allies in rural North Carolina have sought details about Duke’s plans to build those transmission corridors, which can be up to 200 feet wide, through areas that are often low-wealth, communities of color, or both. The corporation has grown even more secretive over time even as dozens of community groups have  openly demanded  full transparency [ 2 ]. We have warned that many of these are communities that forced Duke and Dominion Energy to cancel the Atlantic Coast Pipeline, a fracked gas project, in 2020 after spending more than $5 billion to construct it. Green Pond residents have called on Duke to use other routes, according to the  Greenville News [ 3 ]. If completed, the high-voltage corridor would impact a church, a cemetery and a beekeeping farm, among others. State Senator Shane Martin said in a  letter to Duke Energy  that the project should be constructed “on existing commercial or industrial sites and/or along existing four lane highways. This is a practical and equitable solution for the rural, farming community which I represent" [ 4 ]. “Duke’s effort to engage the potentially affected landowners before proceeding on this project was somewhat disingenuous given it had purchased the substation property before seeking community input,” said  Martial Robichaud , resident of the Green Pond area and former member of the Spartanburg County Planning Commission [ 5 ]. A Looming NC Challenge Duke Energy, a few big environmental groups, and large-scale solar companies seem to downplay the concerns, and community muscle, of those living in small town areas in North Carolina. This coalition generally supports the utility’s risky attempt to build tens of billions worth of huge transmission lines and larger-than-ever solar fields despite the 12-15 year timeframe that totally fails the climate science test. That high risk is amplified by the likelihood that communities will block them altogether. The companion strategy to Duke’s land seizure scheme in North Carolina is the crushing of local solar-plus-storage. The utility  forced a rule change  on rooftop installers late last year that has threatened that industry’s very existence, and Duke projects almost no local solar growth within its territory for decades to come [ 6 ]. Choking rooftop solar is key to Duke Energy leaders who prefer to gamble billions of captive customer dollars on fracked gas and failed nuclear technologies along with a high-risk transmission and solar buildout that would take a decade or more to complete – if ever. Instead of Duke’s high risk, climate-wrecking Carbon Plan, NC WARN and allies are pressing regulators and North Carolinians to support a sweeping shift to our  Sharing Solar proposal, where all customers’ power bills pay for local solar power instead of dirty power [ 7 ]. Sharing Solar would greatly expand solar plus battery storage on small and large rooftops, parking areas and solar fields located near towns and cities. This is the fastest, cheapest, fairest way North Carolina can phase out fossil fuels. Duke Energy is trying to block discussion of Sharing Solar, but see our  30-second video  ad depicting the basics of this state’s climate-energy challenge [ 8 ]. This article was published first by NC WARN . Work Cited “Duke Energy's Map: Intentionally Obscured?” NC WARN , 17 July 2023, www.ncwarn.org/mapcomparison . “84 Solar Companies, Targeted Groups and Allies Call for Investigation of Duke Energy.” NC WARN , 13 Dec. 2023, www.ncwarn.org/2023/12/84-solar-companies-targeted-groups-and-allies-call-for-investigation-of-duke-energy-nc-warn-news-release . Swetlik, Sarah. “Duke Energy Selects Route for Controversial Transmission Line in Rural Green Pond.” Greenville News , 15 July 2024, www.greenvilleonline.com/story/news/2024/07/15/duke-energy-selects-route-for-controversial-transmission-line-in-rural-green-pond/74383962007 . “Letter From SC State Senator Shane Martin to Duke Energy CEO Lynn Good.” Green Pond Rural Alliance , 26 Jan. 2023, www.greenpondruralalliance.org/_files/ugd/1b3360_7c5bf242d4484ef597752aa69989f9d1.pdf . Martial, Robichaud. “ Rural Residents Want Answers on Substation Plan from Duke .” Green Pond Alliance , www.greenpondruralalliance.org/copy-of-the-woodruff-times-12-22 . “Duke Energy on Defense at NC Court of Appeals Over Regulators’ Agreement to Slash Solar Incentives.” NC WARN , 13 Feb. 2024, www.ncwarn.org/2024/02/duke-energy-on-defense-at-nc-court-of-appeals-over-regulators-agreement-to-slash-solar-incentives-news-release-from-nc-warn-ewg . “Sharing Solar: A Sweeping Climate Proposal.” NC WARN , 5 July 2024, www.ncwarn.org/our-work/sharing-solar . “NC WARN Sharing Solar: Fastest, Cheapest, Fairest Climate Approach.” YouTube , 16 July 2024, www.youtube.com/watch?v=pfvLMouXIVk .

Reflections on a recent pipeline public hearing. This blog post was written by POWHR’s Advocacy Manager, Lief Hurt. Recently, I attended a public hearing in Chatham for the Williams Company’s proposed new Southeast Supply Enhancement Project (SSEP). As I pulled into the parking lot, I was surprised to see rows of cop cars. I glanced at my phone to make sure I was in the right place.  I had expected a boring hearing in an old agricultural complex. I approached one of the officers and he told me the precinct had expected hundreds of  protesters. Standing in the quiet complex, it was clear such an outcome was unlikely. As I walked into the meeting room, my disappointment and discomfort grew. The room was incredibly unwelcoming – no tables or chairs were arranged for sitting or talking. The whole atmosphere felt deliberately uninviting and cold.  Multiple Williams Co. employees were in attendance and were quick to dismiss any critical discussion about the project. One Williams Co. staffer claimed they had already spoken with every impacted landowner for the section of map shown at the meeting – part of NC and all of VA.  Federal Energy Regulatory Commission’s (FERC) Office of Public Participation (OPP) staff were conveniently absent. The entire set-up felt disingenuous and seemed to purposefully discourage meaningful engagement. FERC’s OPP should have been there to help explain and encourage public participation in the regulatory process, especially in the face of such strong project developer presence. A public hearing should be an open place for conversation; what I witnessed was exaggerated police presence and stonewalling by fossil fuel employees. As a climate activist, I challenge the status quo of the fossil fuel industry, one of the richest and most powerful industries in the world. The fossil fuel industry is deeply embedded in our government, pouring millions into lobbying , political campaigns, and deliberately spreading misinformation  about the climate crisis, thus heavily influencing powerful politicians like Senator Joe Manchin [ 1 ][ 2 ]. Our movement faces increasing state surveillance and violence because our work threatens their reign at a time when fossil fuels are causing recognized widespread harm and the world is transitioning to renewable energy. People who challenge the status quo frequently face state oppression. In the mid-twentieth century, civil rights activists  faced high degrees of state-sanctioned violence (including through inaction when non-state actors committed violence) because they were challenging the status quo of white supremacy and because the activist’s efforts to achieve equality and justice were seen as a direct threat [ 3 ]. During the decade-long fight against the Mountain Valley Pipeline (MVP), one of the biggest companies behind the pipeline, the EQT Corporation,  coordinated extensively with local law enforcement  along the route [ 4 ]. Tree sitters in the MVP fight were targeted by anti-terrorism agencies  who were contacted through the fusion center network [ 5 ]. This network was created to coordinate counter-terrorism intelligence but has expanded to monitor any First Amendment-protected activity. The fusion center network has helped fossil fuel companies like MVP and state and federal agencies share information to monitor peaceful protestors. The Virginia Fusion Center coordinated directly with EQT to share “ pipeline situation reports ” that included information about how many people on Facebook were “interested” in meetings held by groups such as the Sierra Club, Chesapeake Climate Action Network, and Preserve Floyd – likely meetings similar to the SSEP hearing I went to [ 4 ]. Currently, MVP is suing 41 people  for $4 million [ 6 ]. This case has been called a Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP) suit, which is used by corporations to intimidate opposition. Considering the heavy police presence at the Chatham SSEP meeting, it’s understandable why anyone would feel intimidated, and this is purposeful. Silence and discreditation of opposition has always been the fossil fuel industry's goal. Globally, the situation for environmental activists is dire. Five climate activists just received the longest ever sentences  for nonviolent protest in the United Kingdom [ 7 ]. Climate activists are getting slammed with steep charges by Citibank  in New York City [ 8 ]. Over 100 environmental activists are murdered each year. Between 2012 and 2022, the number reached almost 2,000 [ 9 ] . This is a devastating reality for environmental defenders whose activism protects us all. As a young climate activist, I see the increasing state violence, fossil fuel crimes, and government inaction as a terrifying landscape for environmental advocacy. Yet our work is more important than ever, given the rise of fascism and climate change. It is clear that only we will chart our own path forward to the future we deserve. One concrete step we can take towards a better future is stopping all new fossil fuel projects, including Williams Company’s Southeast Supply Enhancement Project. You can take action by telling the federal government to oppose SSEP [ 10 ] . This article was first published by POWHR . Work Cited “These Fossil Fuel Industry Tactics Are Fueling Democratic Backsliding.” Center for American Progress , 5 Dec. 2023, www.americanprogress.org/article/these-fossil-fuel-industry-tactics-are-fueling-democratic-backsliding/ " Denial, Disinformation, and Doublespeak: Big Oil's Evolving Efforts to Avoid accountability for Climate Change." House Committee on Oversight and Accountability Democrats , 2024, www.budget.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/fossil_fuel_report1.pdf . Thigpen, Kameryn. “State-Sanctioned Silence: A Look Into the Repression of Black Voices.” Vulcan Historical Review , vol. 25, art. 16, 2021, digitalcommons.library.uab.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1031&context=vulcan . Harris, Jeffrey. “Dollars vs. Democracy 2023.” Greenpeace USA, 25 Oct. 2023, www.greenpeace.org/usa/reports/dollars-vs-dissent . Wilson, Patrick. “Anti-terrorism Agencies Involved in Monitoring Protesters of Mountain Valley Pipeline.” Richmond Times-Dispatch , 1 June 2018, richmond.com/news/local/government-politics/anti-terrorism-agencies-involved-in-monitoring-protesters-of-mountain-valley-pipeline/article_2c0ee2e0-a700-5a18-a5c3-cde2e109776f.html . Hammack, Laurence. “Mountain Valley Pipeline Sues Its Opponents.” The Roanoke Times , 11 Sept. 2023, roanoke.com/news/local/government-politics/mountain-valley-pipeline-protesters-lawsuit-resistance/article_41163394-50f0-11ee-bd8f-33c5ea279fd2.html . Gayle, Damien. “Five Just Stop Oil Activists Receive Record Sentences for Planning to Block M25.” The Guardian , 19 July 2024, www.theguardian.com/environment/article/2024/jul/18/five-just-stop-oil-supporters-jailed-over-protest-that-blocked-m25 . Harrison, Derek. “An Activist Will Defy a Restraining Order to Play a Cello Protest at Citibank’s NYC Headquarters Thursday.” Inside Climate News , 10 Aug. 2024, insideclimatenews.org/news/07082024/new-york-citibank-cello-protest . “Standing Firm: The Land and Environmental Defenders on the Frontlines of the Climate Crisis.” Global Witness, 13 Sept. 2023, www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/standing-firm .

Mark Robinson recently released a new ad appearing  to take a more moderate stance on abortion [ x ]. His stance on abortion hasn’t changed; he’s only fine-tuned his talking points to prepare for the upcoming election. Robinson has been vocal about his extreme anti-abortion beliefs for years. He previously said, “Abortion in this country is not about protecting the lives of mothers. It’s about killing the child because you weren’t responsible enough to keep your skirt down,” and, “If I had all the power right now, let’s say I was the governor and I had a willing legislature, we could pass a bill saying you can’t have an abortion in North Carolina for any reason” [ x ]. Yet, in the ad he pivots to supporting “commonsense” legislation with “exceptions.” This ad is a perfect encapsulation of the GOP’s rhetorical strategy since Dobbs v. Jackson . This article is going to detail how and why this is just the latest attempt by the anti-abortion movement to save face now that the harsh reality of abortion bans has really come to light post- Dobbs . The anti-abortion movement thrives off of abortion stigmatization, medical misinformation, and emotionally charged rhetoric. This 30-second ad is full of it. Fueling Abortion Stigma In the ad, Robinson says, “30 years ago, my wife and I made a very difficult decision – we had an abortion. It was like this solid pain between us that we never spoke of”. Then his wife, Yolanda, states, “It’s something that stays with you forever” . Robinson continues, “That’s why I stand by our current law. It provides commonsense exceptions for the life of the mother, incest, and rape … Which gives help to mothers and stops cruel late-term abortions. When I’m governor, mothers in need will be supported” While neither Robinson went into detail about Yolanda’s abortion during the short ad, it’s important to note a few things. Research shows that people experience a mix of positive and negative emotions in the days after having an abortion, with relief  predominating. The intensity of all emotions diminishes over time, mostly over the first year. The vast majority, 95%, of people who get abortions said that it was the right decision for them. People who are denied abortions have worse  physical, mental, and economic outcomes than those who seek and receive abortions [ x ]. Robinson starts by contributing to the idea that abortion itself is a difficult decision. Abortion is sometimes difficult and sometimes not - there are many nuances around having an abortion. Every decision to have an abortion is unique, individual, and deserving of respect. Just like the Robinsons were able to decide to have an abortion 30 years ago, all people should be trusted to make the reproductive healthcare decisions that are best for them, including abortion, on their timeline and with the resources they need. The beginning of the ad further implies that abortion is something regretful and shameful and therefore the wrong decision to make. Abortion stigma is perpetuated by abortion restrictions and inevitably leads to criminalization even when there are no authorizing statutes [ x ][ x ]. Abortion stigma is everywhere, whether it’s the protesters at the clinic harassing you on your way in for your appointment, your parents threatening to kick you out, a teacher you confide in who tells you that’s not something you should talk about, a toxic romantic partner pressuring you against what you want for your pregnancy, the societal pressure to become a mother while ostracizing child-free people, or the laws creating barriers to abortion care [ x ]. The anti-abortion movement’s post- Dobbs  rhetorical pivot More and more horror stories have emerged since the overturn of Roe v. Wade of people being forced to carry doomed pregnancies, give birth in a car after being turned away from the emergency room, or forced to travel out of state for abortion care - and the anti-abortion movement knows this [ x ]. Post- Dobbs , Republicans have had to deal with how unpopular and harmful their abortion bans are. Rather than admitting that pregnancy is too complex to legislate and addressing how these bans are detrimental  to pregnant people, the anti-abortion movement is focused on fine-tuning their talking points by focusing on exceptions  in abortion bans that do not work , moving away  from calling abortion bans “bans” and instead calling abortion bans "commonsense consensus” or “compromise” , and performative amendments  that do nothing but attempt  to repair their image. By Design, Exceptions Do Not Work On paper, abortion bans may include exceptions. In reality, these exceptions are nothing more than PR points for the anti-abortion politicians who pass these nightmare bans. These supposed “exceptions” are intentionally vague and so narrowly defined that it’s impractical to actually use them - and that’s the point . When Republicans fall back on how the current ban has exceptions for the life of the mother, incest, and rape, this is a rhetorical strategy to defer the actual problem, which is the wide-ranging harm caused by banning abortion. It's a pivot that appeals to less stigmatized reasons for getting an abortion. In North Carolina, abortion is banned after 12 weeks with a few vague exceptions up to 20 weeks. For example, the state’s exception for the life of the mother defines a medical emergency as the following ( emphasis added ): “Medical emergency. – A condition which, in reasonable medical judgment, so complicates the medical condition of the pregnant woman as to necessitate the immediate abortion of her pregnancy to avert her death or for which a delay will create serious risk of substantial and irreversible physical impairment of a major bodily function , not including any psychological or emotional conditions. For purposes of this definition, no condition shall be deemed a medical emergency if based on a claim or diagnosis that the woman will engage in conduct which would result in her death  or in substantial and irreversible physical impairment of a major bodily function”. The language used does not define what exactly constitutes a “major bodily function” or what constitutes a “substantial and irreversible physical impairment” to a major bodily function. This intentionally vague language puts physicians in a bind when pregnant patients need an abortion for health reasons. It shifts the decision away from the medical providers and patients and over to the facility’s lawyers. The second part of this definition shows how Republicans anticipate that abortion bans will make people suicidal, so they specifically outline that abortions are not allowed to preserve psychological or emotional well-being of the mother. How much of an “exception” is it if people have to wait for their vital signs to crash before they’re legally  allowed treatment? How much permanent harm to one’s organs is an acceptable trade-off? Exactly how close to death does one have to get to receive treatment? On Substack , feminist writer Jessica Valenti points out, “This is all by design; Republicans deliberately write in exceptions that will be near-impossible to use. So why in the world aren’t Democrats shouting as much from the rooftops? Instead, they’re giving Republicans a tremendous gift: The ability to point to exceptions that no one can actually use as proof that they’re ‘softening’ on abortion … If the exceptions meant to save people’s lives aren’t usable, what makes anyone think those for rape and incest would be?” [ x ] Reporting requirements and time limits place barriers in the way of survivors of sexual assault seeking abortion care in states with abortion bans [ x ]. When you add in a culture that doesn’t believe victims about sexual violence, the purpose and ineffectiveness of rape and incest exceptions become more evident [ x ]. When the state forces victims to provide proof of their assault to receive healthcare, the state inevitably creates policy that protects sexual abusers. This is the side that wants you to think that they’re the moderate ones. Compromise? Who? Common Sense? Where? In the ad, Robinson says, “30 years ago, my wife and I made a very difficult decision – we had an abortion. It was like this solid pain between us that we never spoke of”. Then his wife, Yolanda, states “it’s something that stays with you forever”. Robinson continues, “ That’s why I stand by our current law. It provides commonsense exceptions for the life of the mother, incest, and rape which gives help to mothers and stops cruel late-term abortions. When I’m governor, mothers in need will be supported.” When Robinson calls North Carolina’s 12-week abortion ban “common sense” and intentionally  avoids calling it a ban, he's using tactics that appeared last year when the state senate debated SB 20. As Valenti points out , “Bill sponsor Sen. Joyce Krawiec says, ‘this is a pro-life plan, not an abortion ban.’ (Let that sink for a moment: Republicans are so afraid of abortion rights’ popularity, they’re not even willing to call their bans ‘bans’ anymore )” [ x ][ x ]. Mandating humiliating, burdensome, and time sensitive barriers to healthcare is far from "common sense”. Going directly against medical providers warnings about the harms caused when abortion is banned is not “common sense”. Post- Dobbs , polling shows that the vast majority of Americans want abortion to be legal. Over 80 percent of Americans don’t want pregnancy to be legislated, 78 percent believe the decision to have an abortion should be left between the patient and doctor, and 70 percent voters support access to abortion medication [ x ]. Republicans began to really embrace the stance that they believe in exceptions for abortions to make it seem  like they are willing to compromise to appeal to moderate voters in the aftermath of the overturn of Roe v. Wade . In reality, they aren’t compromising on “common sense” legislation - they’re compromising the health and well-being of the very people they’re claiming to protect. Medical Misinformation: Late-Term Abortion Edition In true Republican fashion, Robinson mentions "late-term abortions" at the end of the ad. The anti-abortion movement thrives off of emotionally-inflammatory rhetoric and abortion stigma, which are two characteristics of the phrase “late-term abortion”. This was Robinson’s subtle way of appealing to moderate voters with extremist policy that’s been rhetorically watered down to make it more palatable in order to gain votes come November. In the ad, Robinson says, “30 years ago, my wife and I made a very difficult decision – we had an abortion. It was like this solid pain between us that we never spoke of”. Then his wife, Yolanda Robinson, states, “It’s something that stays with you forever”. Robinson continues, “That’s why I stand by our current law. It provides commonsense exceptions for the life of the mother, incest, and rape which gives help to mothers and stops cruel late-term abortions . When I’m governor, mothers in need will be supported.” The phrase “ late-term abortion ” is a political buzzword that anti-abortion proponents have latched onto as a talking point to demonize abortions later in pregnancy when the vast majority , 98.7%, of abortions are before  21 weeks [ x ][ x ]. The anti-abortion movement has a reputation for using stigmatizing, emotionally-charged rhetoric to justify banning abortion and to ostracize the people who get and provide abortions [ x ]. Anti-abortion opponents made up the phrase “late-term abortion” and embrace it because they define it however they want as a part of their language war [ x ][ x ]. According to experts like the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology ( ACOG ) , the term “late-term abortion” has no medical significance and is not used in a clinical setting or to describe the delivery of abortion care later in pregnancy [ x ]. When health care providers use language like “full term” and “late term” in the context of pregnancy, they’re talking about how far along the pregnancy is, with “full term” meaning between 39 and 40 weeks and “late term” meaning more than 41 weeks. It’s important to note that they do not  use these terms to categorize types of abortion care.  The reasons people seek abortions later in pregnancy include medical concerns such as fetal anomalies or maternal life endangerment, as well as barriers to care that cause delays in obtaining an abortion [ x ]. What’s cruel is delaying and denying people the healthcare they need. Despite all this, leaders in the anti-abortion movement can’t even agree on exactly when  a "late-term abortion" supposedly happens. It seems to be determined by whatever Republican or anti-abortion organization writing the bill wants it to be. For example, in 2021, congressional Republicans sponsored the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act  ( model legislation  created by the National Right to Life Committee ), a bill that determined abortions after 20 weeks to be “late-term”. The next year, they sponsored the “ Protecting Pain-Capable Unborn Children from Late-Term Abortions Act ,” that determined “late-term” to be after 15 weeks. The anti-abortion Charlotte Lozier Institute  claims the phrase is appropriate for abortions performed after only 13 weeks of pregnancy. Taking A Page Out of the Playbook Since abortion bans are highly unpopular and harmful, Mark Robinson is using the rhetorical tactics directly from the post- Dobbs  playbook. It’s easier to fine-tune an extreme candidate’s political messaging in the months before the election than it is to address the wide-ranging devastation caused by their own policies that harm the people they claim to protect. For years, Mark Robinson has been vocal about his anti-abortion stance by perpetuating abortion stigma and medical misinformation. This pre-election rhetorical shift is no different. Don’t let him fool you. As he said, if it were up to him, we would have a total abortion ban with no exceptions. Remember this in November when you go to the voting booth, and remember to donate to the local abortion fund [ x ] . This article was first published by Triangle DSA .